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Today marks the 53rd anniversary of East Pakistan’s tragic dismemberment—a moment in history that stands as both a scar and a stark lesson for Pakistan. The events leading to 1971 were not just about geography but a failure of political unity, cultural inclusivity, and strategic foresight. Decades later, the echoes of that loss reverberate in regional geopolitics, trade alignments, and the shadowy interplay of state and non-state actors. From the creation of the Muslim League in Dhaka in 1906 to the fall of East Pakistan in 1971, the legacy of the subcontinent’s Muslim identity has been one of endurance yet marred by fragmentation.
The Indian Role: Orchestrating Instability
India’s role in East Pakistan’s dismemberment remains central to any discussion about 1971. Its strategic support to Mukti Bahini terrorists and direct military intervention exemplify its long-term goal of regional domination. Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), created in 1968, had to destabilize Pakistan as one of its primary objectives. Indira Gandhi had triumphantly claimed to have taken revenge for 700 years of Muslim rule over Hindus and at the fall of Dhaka, had declared “Today we have sunk the Two Nation theory of Pakistan in the Bay of Bengal”.
Evidence of India’s meddling extends to confessions by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit to Bangladesh in 2015, where he proudly acknowledged India’s role in East Pakistan’s separation.
India sought to exploit the growing tensions between Pakistan’s eastern and western regions in the lead-up to the 1971 conflict. A significant part of India’s strategy was the hijacking of the Fokker F-27 aircraft, ‘Ganga,’ on January 30, 1971, an act that disrupted Pakistan’s vital logistical support between its eastern and western wings. In response to rising unrest in East Pakistan, Pakistan’s government initiated a military operation in March 1971 aimed at restoring order. However, the situation rapidly escalated after Pakistan’s pre-emptive airstrikes on Indian airbases in December 1971. India’s swift military response, involving full-scale operations on both fronts, was met with significant resistance from Pakistan’s forces. Despite these efforts, the conflict quickly turned into a regional war, and the eventual surrender of the Pakistan Eastern Command in Dhaka led to the creation of Bangladesh.
In July 1971 Golda Meir, Israel’s prime minister, got Israeli arms manufacturer Shlomo Zabludowicz to provide India and the Mukti Bahini with mortars, ammunition and instructors. In his book ‘1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh’, historian Srinath Raghavan notes that Israel was itself facing an arms shortage and was unable to directly supply arms to India. But Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir rerouted a shipment intended for Iran to India with just one request — establish diplomatic ties in return for arms.
India’s covert collaboration with Israel in the lead-up to the 1971 Pakistan-India war is of particular note.
In July 1971, Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir arranged for Israeli arms manufacturer Shlomo Zabludowicz to provide India and the Mukti Bahini with mortars, ammunition, and instructors.
Despite Israel facing its own arms shortages, Prime Minister Meir diverted arms intended for Iran to India in exchange for a diplomatic request: the establishment of formal ties. This arrangement illustrates India’s opportunistic approach in leveraging external support to pursue its objectives in the region.
Historian Srinath Raghavan, in his book 1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh, notes that while Israel was experiencing its own arms shortage and couldn’t directly supply arms to India, Meir’s maneuver to reroute a shipment intended for Iran was pivotal. Formal diplomatic ties between the two nations, however, were only established in 1992, under Prime Minister Narasimha Rao.
Additionally, a secret note from the head of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), RN Kao, in August 1971 outlined the airlifting of arms to support the Indian Army and the Mukti Bahini in their operations against Pakistan. This covert assistance highlighted the broader international dimensions of the conflict and the strategic partnerships India cultivated during this period, which were pivotal in the course of the war.
Bangladesh’s Post-1971 Politics: The Indian Hand
Bangladesh’s post-1971 political landscape offers further insight into India’s influence. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who led the Awami League during the war, was assassinated in a bloody coup in 1975. His entire family, barring two daughters who were abroad, was killed. Among them, Sheikh Hasina was brought back in 1981 and groomed by Indian handlers to follow their line.
Her premiership, particularly after 2009, was marked by a visible pro-India stance. Despite allegations of corruption and inefficient governance, she consolidated power under dubious electoral processes. She also severed ties with Pakistan, boycotting diplomatic and social engagements while demanding an apology for Pakistan’s alleged war crimes. Her government targeted the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami for its support of a united Pakistan during the war, sentencing several leaders to death through kangaroo courts despite international condemnation of the trials.
The propaganda surrounding the 1971 war remains a sensitive subject. Allegations of genocide against Pakistan, with claims of three million deaths and mass rapes, have been questioned by historians and international observers. Even Colonel Akbar Hussain, a celebrated Mukti Bahini veteran, admitted in Bangladesh’s National Assembly in 1993 that these figures were exaggerated.
The Forgotten Biharis: A Grim Legacy of 1971
One of the most harrowing legacies of 1971 is the plight of the non-Bengalis, commonly referred to as Biharis. This community, which largely supported Pakistan during the war, became the target of ethnic violence, with estimates of fatalities ranging from 20,000 to 500,000. The Biharis, seen as collaborators, suffered brutal attacks during the rebellion and have since lived in limbo—stateless and ostracized. Their story is a grim reminder of the human cost of political upheaval.
Current Bangladesh: Instability, Terrorism, and Regional Shifts
Fast forward to today, and the region remains entangled in its past. Bangladesh, once a steadfast ally of India, is recalibrating its policies.
Growing discontent with Indian interference is evident in Dhaka’s decision to deploy Turkish drones along its borders and explore greater trade ties with Pakistan.
Since August 2024, Bangladesh, led by Muhammad Yunus, has been taking steps to improve ties with Pakistan. A key meeting between Yunus and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif at the United Nations General Assembly in September discussed boosting cooperation. Bangladesh eased trade with Pakistan by removing import inspection requirements in October. In November, the first direct cargo shipment between the countries in 53 years was launched. By December, trade talks focused on expanding business exchanges, and plans for direct flights and simplified visa policies were announced to further enhance relations.
In the meantime, Sheikh Mujeeb ur-Rahman’s legacy in Bangladesh declined. On August 5, 2024, student-led protests in Dhaka toppled a statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The interim government also repealed the law granting special security to his family. Additionally, eight national days linked to Mujib’s legacy were cancelled.
Relations with India are being reassessed due to concerns over its treatment of Muslims. An arrest warrant was issued for exiled leader Sheikh Hasina, accusing her of human rights abuses.
Bangladesh’s political instability and the influence of transnational extremist groups like Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) further complicate the landscape, underscoring the need for strong governance and regional collaboration. AQIS, a branch of Al-Qaeda, seeks to replace the governments of Pakistan, Afghanistan, India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh with an Islamic caliphate.
After the fall of Haseena Wajid’s government in August 2024, Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), via its official As-Sahab Media, released a 12-page Urdu statement titled “Bangladesh – The Emerging Hope of Supporting Islam,” from its leader, Osama Mahmood.
In the statement, Mahmood congratulates Bangladeshis on the alleged overthrow of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government, calling it a victory for Islamists and jihadists. He urges Islamists to avoid involvement in the new government and instead focus on establishing full Sharia rule. The statement reflects AQIS’s strategy of exploiting political instability in South Asia to advance its extremist goals, emphasizing the ongoing threat the group poses in the region.
Moreover, AQIS has released a booklet, ‘Who is Responsible for the Fall of Dhaka?’ marking the 16 December 1971 anniversary of Bangladesh’s separation from Pakistan. Authored by a Bengali AQIS member, it was earlier published serially in their Urdu magazine.
Also See: Bangladesh Through Time: History, Identity, and Road Ahead
A Recurrent Cycle of Instability In South Asia
Today, the three pivotal players in the 1971 saga—India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh—are revisiting eerily familiar predicaments. India, under the Hindutva-driven Modi government, has transformed into a hub of extremism, marginalizing minorities, alienating its neighbours and stoking regional instability. Pakistan, meanwhile, is battling its ethno-nationalist divisions, political instability, and terrorism resurgence. Bangladesh, which once distanced itself from Pakistan in pursuit of a distinct identity, is again questioning its geopolitical alignment, showing signs of tilting back toward Pakistan amid growing discontent with Indian interference.
The fall of Kabul to the Afghan Interim Government (AIG) in 2021, followed by the recent tactical and ideological setbacks faced by the AIG at the hands of ISIS-K (ISKP), highlights the evolving security challenges in the region. ISKP has effectively targeted several high-ranking officials within the Afghan Interim Government and launched a sophisticated propaganda campaign through its Al-Azaim Media Foundation. The group’s multilingual content specifically targets both Afghan authorities and foreign entities, demonstrating the depth of its influence.
The growing power of ISKP is not just a concern for Afghanistan and Pakistan but also the broader international community. Its ability to execute high-profile attacks on senior AIG figures, such as those from the Haqqani network, illustrates a level of strategic sophistication and coordination that threatens global peace and security.
Right-Wing Populism and the Rise of Militant Extremism: A Global Shift in Leadership and Terrorism
Parallel to these regional dynamics is the international resurgence of right-wing populism. Leaders like Narendra Modi, Donald Trump, and Imran Khan have championed populist ideologies, exploiting domestic discontent while reshaping foreign policies. These figures, representing vastly different cultural and political landscapes, are united by their ability to harness nationalist sentiment and disillusionment with traditional governance.
This shift in global leadership coincides with the re-emergence of militant extremism. Terrorist organizations like Al-Qaeda and its affiliates are exploiting weak states and internal strife to fuel instability. For instance, Somalia’s precarious situation, as warned by a former Somali deputy intelligence chief, serves as a stark reminder. Al-Shabaab’s potential to mimic the swift territorial gains of Syrian Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) insurgents underlines a troubling trend: international terror networks systematically targeting fragile states for domination.
Breaking the Cycle: Lessons from the Legacy of 1971
It is high time for South Asian states to recalibrate their policies. Harbouring terrorism in neighbouring countries will inevitably have serious repercussions for their stability. Afghanistan must understand that providing safe havens to terrorist organizations like the TTP, which operate against Pakistan, risks destabilizing its internal security, as seen with the rise of ISKP.
Similarly, India’s historical support for Mukti Bahini, a terrorist organization, during the Bangladesh Liberation War has not yielded long-term benefits. The current political dynamics in Bangladesh often diverge from India’s strategic interests, highlighting the limitations of such policies.
India itself faces significant challenges from separatist movements, including those in Kashmir, Punjab, and the North-East. The Northeast, connected to mainland India through the vulnerable “chicken neck” Siliguri Corridor, has been a hotbed of ethno-nationalist unrest since the 1950s. Movements for independence, such as those in Nagaland, were driven by demands for autonomy and exacerbated by population shifts and the creation of new states.
The situation is further complicated by India’s long and porous borders with Pakistan, China, Myanmar, and Bangladesh, which provide opportunities for cross-border insurgencies and illegal activities.
India must learn from these historical missteps and refrain from supporting destabilizing elements in neighbouring countries. Instead, enabling regional stability and cooperation should be the cornerstone of its policies to address these multifaceted challenges.
Pakistan too has important lessons to draw from the events leading to 1971 and the current geopolitical dynamics. The disintegration of East Pakistan serves as a stark reminder of the consequences of political exclusion, cultural insensitivity, and economic disparities. Balancing the aspirations of provinces like Balochistan, Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with the broader national interest requires sensitivity to their unique cultural and economic concerns. Failure to address these issues risks deepening divisions and fueling alienation, which can be exploited by internal and external forces. Reflecting on this history is essential to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past.
The challenges facing South Asia today—echoing those of 1971—offer a chance for introspection and action. The stakes are higher now, with global right-wing populism and transnational terrorism threatening to destabilize fragile political systems. The question remains: Can the region learn from its shared history to forge a path toward cooperation and mutual respect, or will it remain ensnared in the cycles of discord that have defined its past?
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