The negotiations for the EU–India Free Trade Agreement (FTA) are being presented as a milestone for global economic integration. However, beneath the rhetoric of shared prosperity lies a deeply asymmetric structural framework. For an economy like India, currently pursuing the Make in India vision of self-reliance, the FTA presents a paradox: it offers nominal market access while exposing indigenous industries to the predatory competition of advanced, heavily subsidized European firms. Far from a standard free trade arrangement, the deal functions as a mechanism of unequal exchange that risks turning India into a permanent consumer of European capital goods rather than a producer of its own.
The core of the FTA involves eliminating approximately €4 billion in annual duties on European products. While framed as trade facilitation, this represents a sharp reduction in India’s defensive architecture. Protective tariffs of up to 44% for machinery, 22% for chemicals, and 11% for pharmaceuticals are slated for removal. These sectors form the backbone of India’s industrial base. By stripping away these protections, India forces its nascent manufacturing units to compete directly with European conglomerates that have benefited from decades of state-sponsored R&D and institutional stability. Historically, Europe developed its own industrial dominance through the very protectionist policies it now seeks to dismantle in the Global South. By demanding that India lower its guard prematurely, the EU is effectively kicking away the ladder of industrial development, allowing EU products to undercut Indian manufacturers at a critical stage of growth.
While India lowers its visible border walls, the European Union is simultaneously constructing invisible ones through sophisticated non-tariff barriers (NTBs). The most significant is the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), set to impose a carbon tax of 20% to 35% on Indian steel and aluminum exports from 2026. This creates a double pressure on Indian industry: European goods enter India cheaply, while Indian exports to the EU become significantly more expensive. This is not free trade, it is a regulated system designed to protect EU producers under the guise of sustainability. For Indian Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), the compliance costs associated with these new environmental rules are often prohibitive, effectively shutting them out of European markets.
The automotive sector provides a stark example of this imbalance. Reducing tariffs on cars from 110% to as low as 10% risks flooding the market with European luxury vehicles and EVs before India’s domestic ecosystem has scaled. This risks crowding out local innovation in favor of established brands. Similarly, in pharmaceuticals, the EU’s push for stringent Intellectual Property (IP) protections could hamper India’s ability to produce low-cost generics, threatening both domestic industry and global public health.
The cumulative effect is the potential weakening of Indian economic independence. By encouraging the import of high-tech European machinery at the expense of domestic production, the FTA increases import dependence. Instead of climbing the value chain, India is incentivized to export low-value raw materials and labor-intensive goods, like textiles, while importing high-value capital goods. This trade-off, sacrificing high-value industrial growth for volatile, low-value exports, is a hallmark of an unequal relationship.
Ultimately, the EU–India FTA appears to prioritize European market expansion over India’s industrial sovereignty. For India to benefit, the agreement must be viewed through the lens of strategic industrial policy rather than mere tariff math. Without robust safeguards for indigenous SMEs and a resolution to the “green protectionism” of CBAM, the deal risks cementing a relationship of dependency. If the goal is a Viksit Bharat, then an FTA that turns the nation into a primary market for European industrial surplus must be met with rigorous resistance.
The Asymmetry at the Heart of the EU–India FTA
The negotiations for the EU–India Free Trade Agreement (FTA) are being presented as a milestone for global economic integration. However, beneath the rhetoric of shared prosperity lies a deeply asymmetric structural framework. For an economy like India, currently pursuing the Make in India vision of self-reliance, the FTA presents a paradox: it offers nominal market access while exposing indigenous industries to the predatory competition of advanced, heavily subsidized European firms. Far from a standard free trade arrangement, the deal functions as a mechanism of unequal exchange that risks turning India into a permanent consumer of European capital goods rather than a producer of its own.
The core of the FTA involves eliminating approximately €4 billion in annual duties on European products. While framed as trade facilitation, this represents a sharp reduction in India’s defensive architecture. Protective tariffs of up to 44% for machinery, 22% for chemicals, and 11% for pharmaceuticals are slated for removal. These sectors form the backbone of India’s industrial base. By stripping away these protections, India forces its nascent manufacturing units to compete directly with European conglomerates that have benefited from decades of state-sponsored R&D and institutional stability. Historically, Europe developed its own industrial dominance through the very protectionist policies it now seeks to dismantle in the Global South. By demanding that India lower its guard prematurely, the EU is effectively kicking away the ladder of industrial development, allowing EU products to undercut Indian manufacturers at a critical stage of growth.
While India lowers its visible border walls, the European Union is simultaneously constructing invisible ones through sophisticated non-tariff barriers (NTBs). The most significant is the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), set to impose a carbon tax of 20% to 35% on Indian steel and aluminum exports from 2026. This creates a double pressure on Indian industry: European goods enter India cheaply, while Indian exports to the EU become significantly more expensive. This is not free trade, it is a regulated system designed to protect EU producers under the guise of sustainability. For Indian Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), the compliance costs associated with these new environmental rules are often prohibitive, effectively shutting them out of European markets.
The automotive sector provides a stark example of this imbalance. Reducing tariffs on cars from 110% to as low as 10% risks flooding the market with European luxury vehicles and EVs before India’s domestic ecosystem has scaled. This risks crowding out local innovation in favor of established brands. Similarly, in pharmaceuticals, the EU’s push for stringent Intellectual Property (IP) protections could hamper India’s ability to produce low-cost generics, threatening both domestic industry and global public health.
The cumulative effect is the potential weakening of Indian economic independence. By encouraging the import of high-tech European machinery at the expense of domestic production, the FTA increases import dependence. Instead of climbing the value chain, India is incentivized to export low-value raw materials and labor-intensive goods, like textiles, while importing high-value capital goods. This trade-off, sacrificing high-value industrial growth for volatile, low-value exports, is a hallmark of an unequal relationship.
Ultimately, the EU–India FTA appears to prioritize European market expansion over India’s industrial sovereignty. For India to benefit, the agreement must be viewed through the lens of strategic industrial policy rather than mere tariff math. Without robust safeguards for indigenous SMEs and a resolution to the “green protectionism” of CBAM, the deal risks cementing a relationship of dependency. If the goal is a Viksit Bharat, then an FTA that turns the nation into a primary market for European industrial surplus must be met with rigorous resistance.
SAT Commentary
SAT Commentary
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