Since 2001, U.S.-Pakistan counterterrorism cooperation has experienced highs and lows, but never irrelevance. Despite periods of strategic divergence, both countries have repeatedly found common cause in confronting terrorism. The enduring threat posed by transnational groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), ISIS-Khorasan (ISKP), and remnants of Al-Qaeda underscores the continued importance of this partnership.
Early 2000s: Building Operational Synergy Against Al-Qaeda
In the aftermath of 9/11, Pakistan emerged as a frontline ally in the U.S.-led global campaign against terrorism. The convergence of interests was clear: the United States aimed to dismantle Al-Qaeda’s global infrastructure, while Pakistan sought to neutralize threats to its sovereignty and domestic stability.
Between 2002 and 2006, Pakistan’s intelligence and security services, aided by U.S. surveillance and technical capabilities, captured or killed several senior Al-Qaeda figures. This included the 2003 arrest of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the architect of 9/11, in Rawalpindi, and the capture of Abu Zubaydah in Faisalabad in 2002. These successes highlighted an early pattern of close operational coordination, combining American technological superiority with Pakistan’s human intelligence and local reach.
Targeting the TTP: A Cross-Border Security Challenge
One of the most complex and enduring aspects of U.S.–Pakistan cooperation has been the joint effort to contain the TTP. After successive Pakistani military offensives in 2015 drove the group out of tribal areas, it reemerged across the Afghan border, particularly in the lawless provinces of Kunar and Nangarhar. From there, it launched cross-border attacks against Pakistan, exploiting the absence of effective Afghan governance and the terrain’s inaccessibility.
Between 2017 and 2021, U.S. forces stationed in Afghanistan coordinated with Pakistani agencies to monitor and disrupt TTP activities. Through real-time intelligence sharing and joint surveillance efforts, both countries helped limit the group’s movement and capacity for large-scale operations. The effectiveness of this coordination was proven after the post-2021 surge in TTP attacks on Pakistani soil, following the U.S. military withdrawal, which highlights the vacuum left in regional counterterrorism oversight. It also underscores the critical role U.S. presence and coordination had previously played in containing the threat.
Confronting ISIS-K: Adapting to New Threats
The rise of ISIS-K after 2015 introduced a new and urgent dimension to regional counterterrorism coordination. With its declared aim of establishing a transnational caliphate and destabilizing regional states, ISIS-K posed a direct challenge to both U.S. and Pakistani interests.
Between 2018 and 2022, U.S.–Pakistan intelligence exchanges led to the disruption of multiple ISIS-K cells in urban centers like Karachi and Peshawar. These included operations based on U.S.-supplied signals intelligence (SIGINT) that identified encrypted communication networks used by ISIS operatives.
In early 2025, Pakistani authorities arrested Mohammad Sharifullah, alias “Jafar”, a senior ISIS-K external operations commander believed to have masterminded the 2021 Kabul airport bombing. His arrest, facilitated by joint tracking and surveillance, culminated in his extradition to the United States.
Additionally, U.S. support in financial intelligence enabled Pakistan to trace and block funding networks linked to ISKP and other militant outfits, aligning with Pakistan’s obligations under the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) framework.
Strategic Continuity: Reinforcing Institutional Frameworks (2023–2025)
Following its exit from Afghanistan, the United States recalibrated its broader South Asia strategy. This shift raised questions about the future of its counterterrorism relationship with Pakistan. Some analysts predicted a scaling back of cooperation or strategic disengagement.
Yet the persistent threat landscape, including the resurgence of TTP, ISKP’s regional plots, and Al-Qaeda’s residual networks, has rendered disengagement untenable. Instead, both countries have quietly sustained and, in some areas, deepened operational cooperation.
Pakistan, for its part, has bolstered domestic counterterrorism capacity. A key institutional innovation is the National Intelligence Fusion & Threat Assessment Centre (NIFTAC), which integrates data and intelligence sharing across civil, military, and provincial agencies. NIFTAC also serves as a coordination node with international partners, particularly the United States, facilitating real-time responses to dynamic threats.
Why the Partnership Must Endure
Though not without its challenges, U.S.-Pakistan counterterrorism cooperation has consistently delivered results. It has disrupted major plots, dismantled leadership hierarchies, and denied operational space to some of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organizations.
Despite occasional diplomatic friction at various points, the logic of continued collaboration remains compelling. Pakistan continues to battle a constellation of insurgent groups that operate in complex and evolving environments. For the United States, retaining intelligence footholds and early-warning mechanisms in South Asia is not just strategic, it is vital, especially as extremism adapts to digital platforms and transnational financing.
Pakistan’s geography, situated at the intersection of South, Central, and the Middle East, makes it indispensable to any meaningful regional security framework. As threats evolve, so too must the partnership. Future cooperation should prioritize institutional trust-building, expand cyber-monitoring capabilities, enhance technical intelligence sharing, and improve efforts to disrupt militant financing.
From Al-Qaeda to ISIS-K: Tracing the Evolution of US-Pakistan Counterterrorism Cooperation
Since 2001, U.S.-Pakistan counterterrorism cooperation has experienced highs and lows, but never irrelevance. Despite periods of strategic divergence, both countries have repeatedly found common cause in confronting terrorism. The enduring threat posed by transnational groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), ISIS-Khorasan (ISKP), and remnants of Al-Qaeda underscores the continued importance of this partnership.
Early 2000s: Building Operational Synergy Against Al-Qaeda
In the aftermath of 9/11, Pakistan emerged as a frontline ally in the U.S.-led global campaign against terrorism. The convergence of interests was clear: the United States aimed to dismantle Al-Qaeda’s global infrastructure, while Pakistan sought to neutralize threats to its sovereignty and domestic stability.
Between 2002 and 2006, Pakistan’s intelligence and security services, aided by U.S. surveillance and technical capabilities, captured or killed several senior Al-Qaeda figures. This included the 2003 arrest of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the architect of 9/11, in Rawalpindi, and the capture of Abu Zubaydah in Faisalabad in 2002. These successes highlighted an early pattern of close operational coordination, combining American technological superiority with Pakistan’s human intelligence and local reach.
Targeting the TTP: A Cross-Border Security Challenge
One of the most complex and enduring aspects of U.S.–Pakistan cooperation has been the joint effort to contain the TTP. After successive Pakistani military offensives in 2015 drove the group out of tribal areas, it reemerged across the Afghan border, particularly in the lawless provinces of Kunar and Nangarhar. From there, it launched cross-border attacks against Pakistan, exploiting the absence of effective Afghan governance and the terrain’s inaccessibility.
Between 2017 and 2021, U.S. forces stationed in Afghanistan coordinated with Pakistani agencies to monitor and disrupt TTP activities. Through real-time intelligence sharing and joint surveillance efforts, both countries helped limit the group’s movement and capacity for large-scale operations. The effectiveness of this coordination was proven after the post-2021 surge in TTP attacks on Pakistani soil, following the U.S. military withdrawal, which highlights the vacuum left in regional counterterrorism oversight. It also underscores the critical role U.S. presence and coordination had previously played in containing the threat.
Confronting ISIS-K: Adapting to New Threats
The rise of ISIS-K after 2015 introduced a new and urgent dimension to regional counterterrorism coordination. With its declared aim of establishing a transnational caliphate and destabilizing regional states, ISIS-K posed a direct challenge to both U.S. and Pakistani interests.
Between 2018 and 2022, U.S.–Pakistan intelligence exchanges led to the disruption of multiple ISIS-K cells in urban centers like Karachi and Peshawar. These included operations based on U.S.-supplied signals intelligence (SIGINT) that identified encrypted communication networks used by ISIS operatives.
In early 2025, Pakistani authorities arrested Mohammad Sharifullah, alias “Jafar”, a senior ISIS-K external operations commander believed to have masterminded the 2021 Kabul airport bombing. His arrest, facilitated by joint tracking and surveillance, culminated in his extradition to the United States.
Additionally, U.S. support in financial intelligence enabled Pakistan to trace and block funding networks linked to ISKP and other militant outfits, aligning with Pakistan’s obligations under the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) framework.
Strategic Continuity: Reinforcing Institutional Frameworks (2023–2025)
Following its exit from Afghanistan, the United States recalibrated its broader South Asia strategy. This shift raised questions about the future of its counterterrorism relationship with Pakistan. Some analysts predicted a scaling back of cooperation or strategic disengagement.
Yet the persistent threat landscape, including the resurgence of TTP, ISKP’s regional plots, and Al-Qaeda’s residual networks, has rendered disengagement untenable. Instead, both countries have quietly sustained and, in some areas, deepened operational cooperation.
Pakistan, for its part, has bolstered domestic counterterrorism capacity. A key institutional innovation is the National Intelligence Fusion & Threat Assessment Centre (NIFTAC), which integrates data and intelligence sharing across civil, military, and provincial agencies. NIFTAC also serves as a coordination node with international partners, particularly the United States, facilitating real-time responses to dynamic threats.
Why the Partnership Must Endure
Though not without its challenges, U.S.-Pakistan counterterrorism cooperation has consistently delivered results. It has disrupted major plots, dismantled leadership hierarchies, and denied operational space to some of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organizations.
Despite occasional diplomatic friction at various points, the logic of continued collaboration remains compelling. Pakistan continues to battle a constellation of insurgent groups that operate in complex and evolving environments. For the United States, retaining intelligence footholds and early-warning mechanisms in South Asia is not just strategic, it is vital, especially as extremism adapts to digital platforms and transnational financing.
Pakistan’s geography, situated at the intersection of South, Central, and the Middle East, makes it indispensable to any meaningful regional security framework. As threats evolve, so too must the partnership. Future cooperation should prioritize institutional trust-building, expand cyber-monitoring capabilities, enhance technical intelligence sharing, and improve efforts to disrupt militant financing.
SAT Commentary
SAT Commentary
SAT Commentaries, a collection of insightful social media threads on current events and social issues, featuring diverse perspectives from various authors.
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Qatar’s Dubious Neutrality and the Narrative Campaign Against Pakistan
Qatar’s role in South Asia illustrates how mediation and media narratives can quietly converge into instruments of influence. Through Al Jazeera’s selective framing of Pakistan’s security challenges and Doha’s unbalanced facilitation with the Taliban, neutrality risks becoming a performative posture rather than a principled practice. Mediation that avoids accountability does not resolve conflict, it entrenches it.
From Dialogue to Patronage: How Qatar Mainstreamed Radical Movements Under the Banner of Mediation
Qatar’s diplomacy has long been framed as pragmatic engagement, but its mediation model has increasingly blurred into political patronage. By hosting and legitimizing groups such as the Taliban and Hamas without enforceable conditions, Doha has helped normalize armed movements in international politics, weakening counterterrorism norms and reshaping regional stability.
AI, Extremism, and the Weaponization of Hate: Islamophobia in India
AI is no longer a neutral tool in India’s digital space. A growing body of research shows how artificial intelligence is being deliberately weaponized to mass-produce Islamophobic narratives, normalize harassment, and amplify Hindutva extremism. As online hate increasingly spills into real-world violence, India’s AI-driven propaganda ecosystem raises urgent questions about accountability, democracy, and the future of pluralism.
AQAP’s Threat to China: Pathways Through Al-Qaeda’s Global Network
AQAP’s threat against China marks a shift from rhetoric to execution, rooted in Al-Qaeda’s decentralized global architecture. By using Afghanistan as a coordination hub and relying on AQIS, TTP, and Uyghur militants of the Turkistan Islamic Party as local enablers, the threat is designed to be carried out far beyond Yemen. From CPEC projects in Pakistan to Chinese interests in Central Asia and Africa, the networked nature of Al-Qaeda allows a geographically dispersed yet strategically aligned campaign against Beijing.
The Enduring Consequences of America’s Exit from Afghanistan
The 2021 US withdrawal from Afghanistan was more than the end of a long war, it was a poorly executed exit that triggered the rapid collapse of the Afghan state. The fall of Kabul, the Abbey Gate attack, and the return of militant groups exposed serious gaps in planning and coordination.