Afghanistan has historically been a mosaic of ethnic identities rather than a homogenous nation-state. Pashtuns constitute roughly 40–45% of the population, followed by Tajiks (25–30%), Hazaras (9–15%), and Uzbeks/Turkmen (10–13%). Yet, since the return of the Taliban in 2021, political authority has become heavily concentrated within one ethnic framework.
The Taliban’s Rahbari Shura, its central decision-making body of approximately 20–25 members, is estimated to be 85–95% Pashtun. Representation within the 49-member cabinet remains limited to a small number of non-Pashtun figures, none occupying decisive portfolios. Key ministries such as Defence, Interior, Finance, and Justice remain overwhelmingly Pashtun-led, creating a governance structure that diverges sharply from Afghanistan’s demographic composition.
This imbalance has reinforced perceptions of systemic exclusion rather than national integration.
Historical Roots of Pashtun-Centric Governance
The current configuration is not an abrupt shift but an extension of long-standing state formation patterns. During the late 19th century, Amir Abdur Rahman Khan pursued deliberate policies of demographic engineering, often described as “Pashtunisation”, by relocating Pashtun tribes into northern and central regions traditionally inhabited by Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras.
These policies frequently involved land redistribution and coercive displacement, particularly affecting Hazara communities, who endured mass violence and socio-political marginalization. Later regimes sustained centralized models of authority that privileged Pashtun political dominance while attempting to elevate Pashto linguistically over Dari, deepening cultural asymmetries.
The legacy of these policies continues to inform contemporary distrust between Kabul’s rulers and peripheral ethnic constituencies.
Post-2021 Governance
Since reclaiming power, the Taliban have signaled inclusivity rhetorically but implemented limited structural change. Minority figures hold largely symbolic or administrative roles, with little influence over national security, fiscal policy, or judicial oversight.
Reports from monitoring organizations, including Amnesty International, highlight patterns of political sidelining, arbitrary detentions, and uneven protection of vulnerable communities. Hazara populations, many of whom adhere to Shia Islam, face compounded ethnic and sectarian pressures, while Tajik and Uzbek regions report constrained participation in governance mechanisms. These trends point toward consolidation rather than pluralization of authority.
Land disputes have become a flashpoint where ethnicity, economics, and governance intersect. Cases involving Pashtun nomadic groups (Kuchi) and settled Hazara or Tajik farmers have intensified, with adjudication frequently perceived as favoring historically dominant groups.
Such conflicts are not merely local grievances, they shape broader narratives of dispossession and unequal citizenship, particularly in rural Afghanistan where land ownership equates to political leverage and survival.
Ideology as an Instrument of Political Order
The Taliban’s governance model blends tribal hierarchy with a rigid interpretation of Sunni Hanafi jurisprudence, embedding ideological conformity into administrative practice. This fusion affects legal norms, education policy, and gender rights, while narrowing the civic space available to dissenting or minority identities.
Observers, including the United Nations, have warned that sustained exclusion risks institutionalizing discrimination across ethnic and sectarian lines. Parallel assessments submitted to the International Criminal Court have raised concerns about whether patterns of repression meet thresholds associated with crimes against humanity.
The Strategic Risk
Afghanistan now faces a governance paradox: a state seeking national consolidation while relying on a narrowly rooted power base. Durable stability in multi-ethnic societies historically depends on negotiated inclusion, not demographic dominance.
Without mechanisms for equitable participation, political decentralization, representative security structures, and protection of minority rights, the current trajectory risks reinforcing cycles of alienation that have long destabilized the Afghan polity.
For Afghanistan, inclusivity is no longer solely a human rights question; it is a strategic necessity. A governance model perceived as exclusionary may deliver short-term control but risks long-term fragmentation, undermining prospects for legitimacy, economic recovery, and regional normalization.
The challenge, therefore, is not simply managing diversity, but transforming it into a foundation for political balance rather than a fault line of enduring conflict.
Also See: Afghanistan’s Northern Frontier: From Peripheral Instability to Eurasian Security Concern
Afghanistan’s Ethnic Landscape and Taliban Rule
Afghanistan has historically been a mosaic of ethnic identities rather than a homogenous nation-state. Pashtuns constitute roughly 40–45% of the population, followed by Tajiks (25–30%), Hazaras (9–15%), and Uzbeks/Turkmen (10–13%). Yet, since the return of the Taliban in 2021, political authority has become heavily concentrated within one ethnic framework.
The Taliban’s Rahbari Shura, its central decision-making body of approximately 20–25 members, is estimated to be 85–95% Pashtun. Representation within the 49-member cabinet remains limited to a small number of non-Pashtun figures, none occupying decisive portfolios. Key ministries such as Defence, Interior, Finance, and Justice remain overwhelmingly Pashtun-led, creating a governance structure that diverges sharply from Afghanistan’s demographic composition.
This imbalance has reinforced perceptions of systemic exclusion rather than national integration.
Historical Roots of Pashtun-Centric Governance
The current configuration is not an abrupt shift but an extension of long-standing state formation patterns. During the late 19th century, Amir Abdur Rahman Khan pursued deliberate policies of demographic engineering, often described as “Pashtunisation”, by relocating Pashtun tribes into northern and central regions traditionally inhabited by Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras.
These policies frequently involved land redistribution and coercive displacement, particularly affecting Hazara communities, who endured mass violence and socio-political marginalization. Later regimes sustained centralized models of authority that privileged Pashtun political dominance while attempting to elevate Pashto linguistically over Dari, deepening cultural asymmetries.
The legacy of these policies continues to inform contemporary distrust between Kabul’s rulers and peripheral ethnic constituencies.
Post-2021 Governance
Since reclaiming power, the Taliban have signaled inclusivity rhetorically but implemented limited structural change. Minority figures hold largely symbolic or administrative roles, with little influence over national security, fiscal policy, or judicial oversight.
Reports from monitoring organizations, including Amnesty International, highlight patterns of political sidelining, arbitrary detentions, and uneven protection of vulnerable communities. Hazara populations, many of whom adhere to Shia Islam, face compounded ethnic and sectarian pressures, while Tajik and Uzbek regions report constrained participation in governance mechanisms. These trends point toward consolidation rather than pluralization of authority.
Land disputes have become a flashpoint where ethnicity, economics, and governance intersect. Cases involving Pashtun nomadic groups (Kuchi) and settled Hazara or Tajik farmers have intensified, with adjudication frequently perceived as favoring historically dominant groups.
Such conflicts are not merely local grievances, they shape broader narratives of dispossession and unequal citizenship, particularly in rural Afghanistan where land ownership equates to political leverage and survival.
Ideology as an Instrument of Political Order
The Taliban’s governance model blends tribal hierarchy with a rigid interpretation of Sunni Hanafi jurisprudence, embedding ideological conformity into administrative practice. This fusion affects legal norms, education policy, and gender rights, while narrowing the civic space available to dissenting or minority identities.
Observers, including the United Nations, have warned that sustained exclusion risks institutionalizing discrimination across ethnic and sectarian lines. Parallel assessments submitted to the International Criminal Court have raised concerns about whether patterns of repression meet thresholds associated with crimes against humanity.
The Strategic Risk
Afghanistan now faces a governance paradox: a state seeking national consolidation while relying on a narrowly rooted power base. Durable stability in multi-ethnic societies historically depends on negotiated inclusion, not demographic dominance.
Without mechanisms for equitable participation, political decentralization, representative security structures, and protection of minority rights, the current trajectory risks reinforcing cycles of alienation that have long destabilized the Afghan polity.
For Afghanistan, inclusivity is no longer solely a human rights question; it is a strategic necessity. A governance model perceived as exclusionary may deliver short-term control but risks long-term fragmentation, undermining prospects for legitimacy, economic recovery, and regional normalization.
The challenge, therefore, is not simply managing diversity, but transforming it into a foundation for political balance rather than a fault line of enduring conflict.
Also See: Afghanistan’s Northern Frontier: From Peripheral Instability to Eurasian Security Concern
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SAT Commentary
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Afghanistan’s Ethnic Landscape and Taliban Rule
Afghanistan has historically been a mosaic of ethnic identities rather than a homogenous nation-state. Pashtuns constitute roughly 40–45% of the population, followed by Tajiks (25–30%),
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