Constitutional Promises and the Reality of Minority Exclusion
The religious, linguistic, caste, and ethnic diversity that pervade India are most prized. India’s identity, its constitution, and its philosophy were founded on diversity. However, despite the constitutional commitment to establishing a socially just and equal society, the scope of political empowerment remaining accessible to minority groups remains severely limited and minority rights in India are constrained. India’s exclusive character was shaped by the historical process of social inequality, the policy of historical marginals, and the rise of Hindu nationalism, particularly against Muslims, SCs, and STs. Articles 29-30 were incorporated into the Constitution, which was formed on the ideals of inclusiveness. Articles 29-30 were intended, above all, to assure political inclusiveness, or the absence of majoritarianism. In fact, the actual application of the basic principles enunciated became far removed from their original intent. Minority religions and castes have suffered historical injustice, caused by hurdles that barred them access to the political domain.”
Affirmative Action, Decentralization, and Structural Inequalities
The oppressed castes, like SC/ST, as well as the religious minorities like Muslims, have historically found it difficult to find their place in politics. These problems date back to the time of Partition, the advent of majoritarian politics, and the scarcity of social/economic parity in the country.
Although policies promoting affirmative action, as well as constitutional amendments, were undertaken to address these disparities, their effectiveness varies, being at times symbolic rather than revolutionary.
Many people regard the 73th and 74th Constitutional Amendments as having brought major changes that paved the way for the growth of the recent trend in democratic decentralization, above all, the empowerment or engagement of women at the local level. For instance, one-third positions were reserved for women with the introduction of the Panchayati Raj institutions/urban local bodies. Although their presence has obviously widened, their influence, particularly on minority women such as Muslim women living within rural India, remains limited due to ingrained elements such as patriarchal control, low educational attainment, poor economic circumstances, and below-par political support.
Reservations in jobs, education, and representation are some of the examples of affirmative action programs, and these programs are giving ambiguous results. The programs are facilitating SCs and STs seeking jobs and representation, but structural injustices are yet to be removed. Urbanization has given these disadvantaged sections of people choices, but at the same time, segregation and ghettos of these people are increasing. Also, hierarchies of organizations are affecting affirmative action. Reservations are benefiting the dominant subcastes of SCs and STs, and hence a section of these subcastes is termed the ‘cream layer’.
While their subcastes, such as the Valmikis and Matangs, remain in abject poverty and marginalized socially, others, such as the Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and the Mahars of Maharashtra, have enjoyed relatively better political and economic mobility. Thus, here is evidence of marginalization even among the so-called underprivileged.
Rise of Hindu Nationalism and Muslim Political Alienation
The rise of Hindu nationalism has been most deleterious in its effect on the political representation of Muslims. In the initial decades after independence, Muslims tended to support the Indian National Congress since they viewed the party as a secular force that stood up for the rights of minorities. The course of politics, however, began to shift from the late 1980s onward. With the coming of regional parties, Muslims now had other avenues that mooted the cause of social justice and protection against communal attacks.
The demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992 marked a significant turning point. The general communal rioting which followed this act expedited the rise of the BJP to power and consolidated Hindutva as the dominant political ideology. Subsequent events, like the riots in Gujarat in 2002, reinforced this Muslim political alienation. Inaction on the part of the state at such moments made Muslim communities feel more insecure and excluded. In fact, the ideology of Hindutva has become more entrenched both in word and deed since the current government came into power headed by Narendra Modi. Re-defining citizenship on the lines of faith, the upcoming National Register of Citizens or the Citizenship Amendment Act, in general, has become the tools against the Muslim population.
There has been a weakening of the secular basis of the Indian constitution due to the changes. Furthermore, the changes have aggravated the exclusion of the Muslim community from politics.
Therefore, the voting pattern of the Muslim community shifts drastically from the BJP to secular and regional outfits like the Congress, the Samajwadi Party, the Trinamool Congress, and even left-wing formations. Yet, in achieving the status of political supremacy in the Indian electorate, the BJP remains a party that effectively mobilizes the majority and lacks the acceptance of the Muslim community. Consequently, the legislative representation of the Muslim community remains even lower than it already was.
Intersectionality, Tokenism, and the Limits of Democratic Inclusion
Moreover, factors like gender, caste, religion, and class have all contributed to different and varied aspects of exclusion that women of minorities face.
Muslim women face sociocultural hurdles like patriarchal subordination, dogmatic religious tenets, early marriages, education access limitation, and financial subordination despite the constitution protecting them. Because of patronage politics and clientelism, the social limitations may confine them to the most symbolic political roles with actual power held by the men.
Similarily, the aspect of intersectionality is another underresearched area of the minority politics of India. Prejudices based on religion on the one hand and cases of castes within the section of the marginalized society on the other, increase the sufferings of the Dalit Muslims, the Dalit Christians, and the Dalit women. Once again, the politicized representation for these groups is not more than a mere formality.
Programs like reservations and Panchayati Raj have indeed created access for excluded groups. However, empowerment is needed by groups, not by mere numbers.
