India Boosts Domestic Arms, Reduces Russian Weapon Dependency

India reduces reliance on Russia for arms, strengthens ties with the West, and boosts domestic defense production. [Image via AFP]

The efforts of India to pare back a longstanding reliance on Russian military hardware is bearing fruit after the courting of new Western allies and a rapidly growing domestic arms industry, analysts say.

At a time when Moscow’s military-industrial complex is occupied with the ongoing war in Ukraine, India has made the modernisation of its armed forces a top priority.

That urgency has risen in tandem with tensions between the world’s most populous nation and its northern neighbour China, especially since a deadly 2020 clash between their troops.

“India’s perception of its security environment vis-a-vis China has been dramatically altered,” Harsh V Pant, of the New Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation think-tank, told AFP.

Relations between the two neighbours went into freefall after the clash on their shared frontier, which killed 20 Indian and at least four Chinese soldiers.

“It has sort of shaken the system and there’s a realisation that we have to do whatever is best now, and very fast,” Pant said of the incident.

India has become the world’s largest arms importer with purchases steadily rising to account for nearly 10 per cent of all imports globally in 2019-23, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) said last year.

More is in the pipeline, with orders worth tens of billions of dollars from the United States, France, Israel and Germany in coming years.

Modi will be in France next month where he is expected to sign deals worth about $10 billion for Rafale fighter jets and Scorpene-class submarines, Indian media reports say.

‘Not easy to switch’

Defence minister of India Rajnath Singh has also promised at least $100 billion in fresh domestic military arms contracts by 2033 to spur local arms production.

“India has been traditionally an importer for decades and only switched to emphasising on indigenous manufacturing… in the last decade,” strategic affairs analyst Nitin Gokhale told AFP.

“It is not easy to switch, not everything can be manufactured or produced here,” he said, saying the country lacked the ability to manufacture “high-end technology” weapons systems.

But its efforts have still seen numerous impressive milestones.

This decade India has opened an expansive new helicopter factory, launched its first homemade aircraft carrier, and conducted a successful long-range hypersonic missile test.

That in turn has fostered a growing arms export market which saw sales last year worth $2.63 billion — still a tiny amount compared to established players, but a 30-fold increase in a decade.

India is expected in the coming weeks to announce a landmark deal to supply Indonesia’s military with supersonic cruise missiles in a deal worth nearly $450 million.

The government aims to triple this figure by 2029, with a significant chunk of the $75 billion it spent on defence last year aimed at boosting local production.

Also See: India’s Hypersonic Missile Claims: A Reality Check

‘Spread risks’

India has deepened defence cooperation with Western countries in recent years, including in the much-feted Quad alliance with the United States, Japan and Australia.

This reorientation has helped India sign various deals to import and locally co-produce military drones, naval ships, fighter jets and other hardware with suppliers from Western countries.

It has also led to a precipitous drop in India’s share of arms from longstanding ally Russia, which supplied 76pc of its military imports in 2009-13 but only 36pc in 2019-23, according to SIPRI data.

New Delhi has nonetheless sought to maintain the delicate balance between India’s historically warm ties with Moscow while courting closer partnerships with Western nations.

Modi’s government has resisted pressure from Washington and elsewhere to explicitly condemn Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, instead urging both sides to the negotiating table.

Gokhale said that India was not in the position to abandon its relationship with Russia, which still plays an important role as a supplier of advanced weaponry including cruise missiles and nuclear submarine technology.

“India has certainly spread its risks by sourcing from other countries,” he said. “But Russia remains a very important and dependable partner.”

The growing defense capabilities and diversified arms sources of India signal a strategic shift towards enhancing national security through both domestic production and robust geopolitical alliances.

This news is sourced from Dawn and is intended for informational purposes only.

News Desk

Your trusted source for insightful journalism. Stay informed with our compelling coverage of global affairs, business, technology, and more.

Recent

AQAP’s Threat to China: Pathways Through Al-Qaeda’s Global Network

AQAP’s Threat to China: Pathways Through Al-Qaeda’s Global Network

AQAP’s threat against China marks a shift from rhetoric to execution, rooted in Al-Qaeda’s decentralized global architecture. By using Afghanistan as a coordination hub and relying on AQIS, TTP, and Uyghur militants of the Turkistan Islamic Party as local enablers, the threat is designed to be carried out far beyond Yemen. From CPEC projects in Pakistan to Chinese interests in Central Asia and Africa, the networked nature of Al-Qaeda allows a geographically dispersed yet strategically aligned campaign against Beijing.

Read More »
The Enduring Consequences of America’s Exit from Afghanistan

The Enduring Consequences of America’s Exit from Afghanistan

The 2021 US withdrawal from Afghanistan was more than the end of a long war, it was a poorly executed exit that triggered the rapid collapse of the Afghan state. The fall of Kabul, the Abbey Gate attack, and the return of militant groups exposed serious gaps in planning and coordination.

Read More »
The Afghan Crucible

The Afghan Crucible

Recent reporting underscores Afghanistan’s transformation into a strategic hub for transnational jihadist networks. Far from being a localized security problem, the Afghan landscape now functions as an ideological, logistical, and digital anchor linking extremist affiliates across Africa, Southeast Asia, and beyond, signaling the collapse of regional containment and the rise of a globalized threat architecture.

Read More »
Economic Statecraft and the New Geography of Power in Regional Politics

Economic Statecraft and the New Geography of Power in Regional Politics

Strategic competition has moved beyond decisive wars toward a subtler synthesis of economic leverage, proxy networks, and calibrated force. Infrastructure, finance, and trade routes now function as instruments of power, quietly reshaping regional orders while preserving the façade of restraint. In this environment, security is no longer confined to the battlefield but embedded in supply chains, data networks, and development choices, forcing states to rethink deterrence, sovereignty, and resilience.

Read More »
The Manufacturing of a False Equivalence

The Manufacturing of a False Equivalence

As scrutiny mounts over the Taliban’s tolerance of TTP sanctuaries, Kabul has attempted to deflect blame by alleging that ISIS-K operates from Pakistan. This false equivalence ignores the historical origins of ISIS-K in eastern Afghanistan, its sustained campaign of violence against Pakistan, and verified intelligence showing that the group’s operational depth remains rooted inside Afghan territory.

Read More »