TORKHAM, Pakistan—The Torkham border crossing, a vital trade and transit route between Pakistan and Afghanistan, remained shut for a second consecutive day on February 24, 2025, in yet another flare-up of tensions between the two uneasy neighbors. The reason? Trenches. But ask either side, and the answer gets murkier.
On the Pakistani side, truck drivers sat idle, sipping endless rounds of chai, their vehicles loaded with perishable goods destined for Afghan markets. On the other side, Afghan families with valid visas found themselves stranded, unsure whether the gates would open or if they should start the long journey back home.
For Bilal, a 42-year-old trader from Jalalabad, this wasn’t his first experience with border uncertainty. “Every time we think things will improve, another closure happens. If it’s not security, it’s trade disputes. If not trade, then it’s politics. We, the common people, always pay the price,” he said, adjusting his woolen shawl against the early morning chill.
A Border Blocked, A Dispute Unfolds
According to Pakistan’s Foreign Office sources who spoke to South Asia Times (SAT), the closure was triggered by “ongoing construction activities on the Afghan side.” Islamabad had reportedly raised concerns over trench digging by the Afghan Taliban, citing security risks, but after its warnings were ignored, it opted to temporarily shut the crossing. Afghan officials, however, claim they were given no formal explanation.
“The border was closed due to ongoing construction activities on the Afghan side. Pakistan had expressed its reservations and requested a halt to the work, but since the concerns were not addressed, the decision was made to temporarily close the crossing,” Pakistani Foreign Office sources told South Asia Times (SAT).
Afghan authorities, on the other hand, insist they were left in the dark. Nangarhar’s police spokesperson, Tayeb Hamad, told Afghanistan’s AMU TV that Pakistani officials “provided no explanation” for the sudden closure, fueling speculation that the move was politically motivated.
Senior Afghan journalist Sami Yousafzai sees a familiar pattern. “Pakistan has long used border policies, visa restrictions, and refugee expulsions as leverage over Afghan governments,” he told South Asia Times (SAT). “But the Afghan Taliban are different. Unlike their predecessors, they don’t respond to Islamabad’s traditional pressure tactics and have maintained a more independent stance.”
Indeed, past Afghan administrations often adjusted their policies based on Pakistan’s border maneuvers. The Afghan Taliban, however, appear unyielding. “The Taliban leadership hasn’t pleaded with Pakistan for leniency on refugees, effectively neutralizing Islamabad’s leverage,” Yousafzai added as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT).
Deportations, Washington, and a Vanishing Lifeline
The timing of the closure coincides with another pressing issue: Pakistan’s ongoing deportation of Afghan refugees, including those denied resettlement in the United States. With Washington scaling back its intake of Afghans—especially after the closure of key offices under the previous U.S. administration—Pakistan finds itself in a difficult position.
“Pakistan’s approach to Afghan repatriation is primarily driven by security and policy considerations rather than humanitarian factors,” sources from MoFA told South Asia Times (SAT). “Like other countries, Pakistan does not have a viable long-term solution for these individuals.”
This reality has left thousands of Afghans stranded, caught between an unwelcoming Pakistan and an Afghanistan still struggling to accommodate returnees. “Even those with legal Pakistani visas have had to pay authorities to enter Pakistan,” Yousafzai revealed to South Asia Times, pointing to mounting frustrations among Afghan travelers.
The Afghan Taliban’s Calculus: Defiance or Diplomacy?
While the Afghan Taliban have not officially responded to the Torkham closure, past behavior suggests they won’t remain passive. “They will find ways to retaliate and continue pressuring Pakistan in return,” said Yousafzai as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT).
The Taliban’s stance on deportations has also been notably firm. Despite Pakistan’s efforts to push out Afghan refugees—historically used as leverage—the Afghan Taliban leadership has not shown signs of backing down. “This shift has frustrated Pakistan,” Yousafzai explained. “Pushing out Afghan refugees has not had the same impact on the Taliban as it did on past governments.”
Even on trade, Afghan officials feel Islamabad plays favorites. “Pakistan keeps the border open when exporting its own fruits to Afghanistan, yet frequently shuts it down just as Afghan produce is ready for export,” Yousafzai told South Asia Times (SAT). “The Afghan Taliban see these closures as deliberate and politically motivated rather than purely security-driven.”
Also See: Legacy, Trade, and Turmoil: The Pak-Afghan Reset
Beyond Torkham: TTP, China, and the Bigger Picture
Beyond Torkham, tensions between Pakistan and the Taliban extend to a far more pressing concern: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) sanctuaries inside Afghanistan. Pakistan has repeatedly called on the Taliban to either hand over TTP leaders or take decisive action against them. But, as senior journalist Riffat Ullah Orakzai pointed out as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT), “the Afghan Taliban have not responded to these requests.”
“Over the past two years, TTP attacks in Pakistan have surged—more than during the governments of Dr. Ashraf Ghani and Hamid Karzai,” Orakzai noted. “Ironically, the Afghan Taliban, once viewed as Pakistan’s allies, have now taken a different course, contrary to Islamabad’s expectations.”
This breakdown in trust has prompted Islamabad to resort to border control, trade restrictions, and increased deportations. “Initially, Afghan refugees in Islamabad and Rawalpindi were required to obtain an NOC,” Orakzai added. “But now, deportations have escalated, even affecting those with valid visas.”
Meanwhile, regional players like China and Russia have taken notice. “China has engaged the Afghan Taliban privately, warning of potential consequences,” Orakzai told South Asia Times (SAT). “Reports indicate that Beijing is mediating to ease tensions, but tangible results remain limited.”
Salman Javed, Director General of Pak Afghan Youth Forum (PAYF), believes a trilateral security framework involving Pakistan, China, and Russia is not just viable—it’s necessary. “All three nations have a vested interest in Afghan stability,” he said.
- Pakistan wants TTP safe havens dismantled.
- China fears Uighur militant groups like the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP) using Afghanistan as a base.
- Russia sees ISKP’s expansion as a direct threat to Central Asia.
“A coordinated effort could exert collective pressure on the Afghan Taliban,” Javed argued as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT). “Reducing dependency on Western intervention and creating an independent regional security framework is in all three countries’ interests.”
Javed also told South Asia Times (SAT) that, “Border security is never just about physical barriers—it’s about the deeper issue of militant sanctuaries that fuel instability. TTP, ISKP, and Al-Qaeda don’t just pose a threat to Pakistan; their presence in Afghanistan is a regional concern, one that China and Russia are acutely aware of. While both countries have a stake in Afghan stability, their direct engagement on security matters related to terrorist sanctuaries has been limited. Meanwhile, it’s the common people—traders, students, and workers—who suffer the most from these tensions. Pakistan remains committed to managing its security concerns but is open to a trilateral framework with China and Russia to create a more coordinated approach.”
What’s Next?
The immediate question is whether the Torkham border will reopen in the coming days or if the closure will drag on, further straining Pakistan-Afghanistan relations. While there is no official timeline for reopening, sources within the diplomatic corridors of Pakistan suggest that the decision hinges on whether Afghan authorities halt their trench-digging activities and engage in meaningful discussions over border security concerns.
Meanwhile, the planned visit of Pakistan’s Special Representative for Afghanistan, Ambassador Mohammad Sadiq, to Kabul has been postponed due to heavy snowfall. “The visit is now being planned after Ramadan, with hopes of progressing toward a resolution,” sources from Pakistan Foreign Office told South Asia Times (SAT). However, given the urgency of the situation, alternative communication channels—such as intelligence-level talks and third-party mediation from China—could come into play before then.
From a broader strategic perspective, Pakistan is unlikely to back down from its stance on border control and security. The country’s leadership has made it clear that any activity perceived as a threat—whether trench digging, unregulated crossings, or the presence of TTP sanctuaries—will be met with a firm response. In contrast, the Afghan Taliban may see the closure as part of Pakistan’s larger economic and political pressure tactics, which could prompt them to retaliate with countermeasures, including potential restrictions on Pakistani exports or stricter visa regulations.
For traders, transporters, and civilians caught in the middle, the waiting game continues. With perishable goods stuck in transit and families stranded on both sides, the cost of political and security disputes is being borne by the very people who rely on this border for their livelihoods. If history is any guide, a temporary resolution may come soon—but as long as underlying tensions between Pakistan and the Afghan Taliban persist, Torkham will remain a recurring flashpoint in the broader regional power struggle.
A Human Cost That Keeps Repeating
For many like Hameeda Bibi, a 60-year-old woman traveling from Peshawar to visit her ailing brother in Kabul, the closure is more than just a political dispute—it’s a personal tragedy. “I had all my documents, I had my visa, yet I have been sitting here for two days with no answer,” she told South Asia Times (SAT), clutching her small bag of medicines. “I don’t care about politics. I just want to see my brother before it’s too late.”
Similarly, traders like Asif Khan, who runs a fruit export business, are seeing their livelihoods slip away. “I have 15 trucks full of fruit stuck at the border. If they don’t cross soon, I’ll lose everything. Who will pay for my losses?” he lamented.
For the common people—traders, travelers, and families—the Torkham closure is not about diplomacy or security. It’s about survival. And for them, every day lost is another day of hardship.
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