Shifting Sands: India, Bangladesh, and a Political Reset

Dhaka-New Delhi have weathered decades of diplomatic highs and lows, but the sudden political shake-up in Bangladesh has left India recalibrating its next move.

Few relationships in South Asia are as layered as the one between India and Bangladesh. It’s a mix of shared history, cultural affinity, and geographical inevitability—held together by strategic interests and, at times, tested by political tensions. For years, this delicate balance remained mostly intact under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina. But that equation is now being rewritten.

On August 5, 2024, Bangladesh saw a seismic political shift as Sheikh Hasina was ousted after 15 years in power. In her place, an interim government under Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus took charge, signaling a stark departure from the familiar political order. The move rattled many, not least India, which had long seen the Awami League of Bangladesh as a stable partner. With Hasina now in exile in India and the new administration charting its own course, New Delhi finds itself navigating uncharted waters in its relationship with Dhaka.

The transition has already thrown up its share of controversies. The arrest of Chinmoy Roy, a former International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) leader in Bangladesh, has sparked fresh anxieties over minority rights, while Hasina’s sharp-tongued addresses from Indian soil have only deepened the unease between the two nations. The once-familiar script of India-Bangladesh ties is being rapidly rewritten, but who holds the pen remains unclear.

In the midst of this shifting landscape, I spoke to Shafiqul Alam, the press secretary to Bangladesh’s interim government, to get a closer look at where things stand. A veteran journalist with nearly three decades of experience, Alam was previously the Agence France-Presse (AFP) bureau chief in Dhaka before stepping into his new role in August 2024, just as the political storm was reaching full intensity.

We discussed the recalibration of India-Bangladesh relations, the evolving political narrative, and the road ahead for a nation dealing with the change.

Inside the Transition: A Conversation with Shafiqul Alam

1) You played a crucial role in informing international media and human rights organizations about the brutal crackdown by Sheikh Hasina’s administration during Bangladesh’s nationwide internet shutdown. Can you describe what those days were like?

Response: Absolutely Unthinkable. It was a massacre unfolding all across the country. Following the death of Abu Sayeed in Rangpur on July 16, nationwide protests escalated dramatically, turning increasingly violent. 

Anticipating the fallout, the Sheikh Hasina government abruptly blocked mobile internet services on July 17 without any prior notice. A day later, the broadband internet was also shut down under Hasina’s direct orders. This was a very oft-repeated strategy of her regime before launching brutal crackdowns.

With the country effectively cut off from the world, Hasina’s Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, along with police forces, unleashed ruthless attacks. Thousands of peaceful protesters and civilians, including minors were murdered in cold blood.

On July 18, I was at my AFP office in Dhaka, along with fellow journalists, desperately trying to establish an overseas connection via a V-SAT line. It was an incredibly dangerous task; if the regime had discovered us using an alternative communication channel, survival would have been impossible. That morning, around 9:00 AM, I made a critical decision—I shared my V-SAT access with journalists from international news agencies in Dhaka, allowing them to send their reports and footage worldwide. What was once a workspace for just five people quickly became a packed newsroom of over 50 journalists working side by side.

Despite the regime’s desperate attempts to suppress the truth, we managed to bring global attention to the human rights violations taking place across Bangladesh. July 18 became a turning point in the revolution. That afternoon, around 3:00 PM, the police forces had exhausted their supply of rubber bullets and pellets. With no hesitation, they switched to live rounds, firing directly at students. Between July 18 and 23, a significant number of students and civilians were killed.

2) Six months have passed since Prof. Muhammad Yunus took charge as the head of Bangladesh’s interim government. What notable achievements or progress has the administration made during this period?

Response: The Post-revolution Bangladesh is currently in a crucial rebuilding phase, gradually recovering from a 16-year draconian rule that had plunged the nation into one of its darkest eras. 

Historically, post-revolution transitions tend to be turbulent, and some degree of instability is inevitable. Such chaos lies within the spirit of the revolution. However, despite all the challenges, one of the most significant achievements of the interim government has been the restoration of law and order across the country. 

Our official crime statistics indicate a remarkable decline in criminal activities over the past six months. Incidents of murder and gang violence have dropped significantly compared to previous years, and the widespread gun culture fostered by Hasina’s Chhatra League has largely diminished. Although isolated cases of robbery and snatching have seen a slight uptick—mostly linked to drug addicts and local miscreants, the country’s overall public safety has improved drastically. 

When the interim government took over, Bangladesh was in the midst of severe economic turmoil. 

The institutions were broken, rampant looting of the financial sector had left at least ten banks technically bankrupt, foreign exchange reserves were rapidly depleting, and food price inflation had surged to nearly 15%. From that kind of scenario, the country has made massive strides towards economic recovery. 

The export sector has experienced consistent growth from September to December, with a 50% increase compared to the previous administration’s final months. Efforts to curb under-invoicing and money laundering have resulted in a 58% surge in remittances between August and September. Additionally, the government is actively considering measures to recover laundered funds stashed in foreign countries. The progress that we have made in restoring stability and rebuilding the nation’s economy in such a short time is evident, marking a decisive step toward a stronger and more prosperous Bangladesh.

3) Since Sheikh Hasina’s departure from power, attacks on minorities in Bangladesh have sparked global concern. What is the current situation?

Response: In Bangladesh, political parties—particularly the Awami League (AL)—have a long history of exploiting the struggles of minority communities for their own gain. Over the years, the AL has increasingly used Hindu communities as political pawns, blurring the lines between religious and political identity. 

During the vacuum that existed between the fall of the previous regime on August 5, 2024, and the appointment of the interim government, Bangladesh encountered severe administrative instability due to the absence of law and order across the nation and numerous untoward incidents took place. To make this void beneficial the AL once again resorted to its strategy of politicizing communal issues, further deepening mistrust between Hindu and Muslim communities. 

However, this time, the attempt failed. In a remarkable display of unity, Bangladeshi Muslims took it upon themselves to safeguard Hindu temples, churches, and other places of worship throughout the night. This heartwarming solidarity helped prevent large-scale violence. Since then, the situation has significantly improved. With the establishment of the interim government and the reinforcement of administrative measures, religious attacks have declined sharply.

If we look back at the 2021 Durga Puja, almost 117 Hindu temples were reportedly attacked across 27 districts in Bangladesh that year. The Awami-led Islamist mobs brutally assaulted, murdered, molested and raped several Hindu men and women. 

The miscreants further vandalized and looted numerous Puja pandals, temples and lit into the Hindu majority areas. The police had no other option but to stand still as silent spectators as they were ordered not to act by the ruling AL politicians. Who was in power at that time? So, the claim that Hindus were protected during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure is nothing more than a false narrative. 

In contrast, this year’s Durga Puja celebrations proceeded safely across 31,461 pavilions in Bangladesh. While there were one or two minor incidents of vandalism, the culprits were found to be mentally unstable, according to police reports. Other than these isolated cases, there have been no major communal attacks on Hindus in the past six months. More recently, Bangladesh witnessed the peaceful and seamless celebration of Saraswati Puja nationwide; yet another sign of improving communal harmony.

4) So you are completely dismissing the allegations of religious attacks against minority communities?

Response: Nobody is denying anything. We have published our official reports detailing the number of religious attacks that have occurred over the past six months and the measures taken by the government to address them.

However, the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council recently claimed that 1,769 incidents of communal attacks and vandalism against minorities took place in the country. In response, the Bangladesh Police reviewed the council’s list of complaints, reaching out to the alleged victims and investigating each reported incident, institution, and location.

The findings revealed that 1,234 cases were politically motivated, while only 20 were genuinely communal in nature. Additionally, at least 161 allegations were found to be entirely false. Where actual communal attacks occurred, appropriate legal action was taken. We strongly condemn such acts of violence and remain committed to ensuring that all those responsible are prosecuted.

Unfortunately, such exaggerated reports are being deliberately spread by pro-Awami propagandists and sections of the right-wing Indian media without proper verification. These disinformation campaigns mostly aim to discredit the newly formed interim government and reinforce the well-fed Awami League narrative that minorities were safer under Sheikh Hasina’s rule.

To be honest, Bangladesh, like any other South Asian nation, isn’t an ideal place as far as communal harmony is concerned. However, we are working tirelessly to foster an environment where people of all communities can live peacefully, with their rights fully protected, in this new Bangladesh.

5) Would you agree that Bangladesh has seen a sudden surge in Islamist radical forces following Hasina’s ouster?

Response: Some Islamist groups have indeed increased their online presence, largely because they were suppressed for years under Sheikh Hasina’s rule. While some of these groups are attempting to stir chaos at the local level, this does not equate to an Islamist takeover across the country. The interim government remains firm in its commitment to national stability. We have already arrested over 100 individuals involved in such activities, and they will be prosecuted accordingly.

Our stance on Islamist extremism is clear: zero tolerance. There is no space for any form of extremism in Bangladesh.

Since the formation of the interim government, we have actively welcomed foreign journalists and international human rights organizations to visit Bangladesh and assess the situation firsthand. We have assured them that their investigations and reports will remain uninfluenced—work freely, travel anywhere, speak to anyone, including our dissenters.

Yet, despite reporting from the ground, the Indian media remains fixated on promoting the well-fed Awami League narrative that falsely frames the July uprising as an Islamist takeover. This is nothing more than a continuation of the War on Terror (WoT) narrative that the AL has weaponized since 2007—where anyone opposing them is branded an “Islamic fundamentalist.” 

Right now, the AL is spending millions and has found allies among the top media outlets in India to paint Bangladesh as a hotbed of hardline Islamist extremism in the eyes of the world. Tell me, do we really look like the Taliban or something like that? (laughs)

Jokes apart, no matter how much they try, these cheap tactics won’t work, as the evidence of their mass butchery and sheer animosity is well-documented and remains fresh in everyone’s memory.

6) What is your opinion on the interim government’s efforts to combat misinformation?

Response: Since the establishment of the interim government, the Chief Advisor’s press wing has been actively countering misinformation spread by mainstream Indian media. So far, we have successfully debunked most of the false claims aimed at discrediting Bangladesh’s new leadership. However, Indian Godi media, in collaboration with Awami League-aligned online bots, has been employing hybrid warfare tactics to support its long-time proxy, Sheikh Hasina, while attempting to undermine the very people and institutions that ended her draconian rule in July and August.

Indian Media’s disinformation campaign typically begins with a completely fabricated story, devoid of evidence and attributed to anonymous sources, strategically planted in a friendly or pliable media outlet. 

If the claim is sensational enough, it gets amplified by other media platforms, gradually gaining an illusion of credibility as it spreads. Eventually, people who are interested in what’s going on in the world but too busy to delve into the details may come to accept these falsehoods as truth. The operation reaches its ultimate goal when these fabricated narratives provoke action against Bangladesh’s new leadership, serving the interests of its propagators.

Indian media now faces a critical choice: uphold journalistic integrity by reporting verifiable facts, or continue to peddle politically motivated falsehoods in an attempt to erode the sovereignty and dignity of a neighbouring nation.

7) Professor Muhammad Yunus attended the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in Davos in January 2025. How the global leaders and key stakeholders responded to the shifting landscape in post-revolution Bangladesh?

Response:  Unbelievable! The respect and Charisma that Professor Yunus commands both at home and abroad has been crucial in establishing the interim government’s legitimacy, mobilising support for ambitious political reforms and maintaining consensus among key political players. 

During his visit to Davos, the German Chancellor personally requested a meeting with him to discuss strengthening bilateral relations between the two countries. Meanwhile, most of the global leaders, including those from China and India, have expressed their strong interest in collaborating with post-revolution Bangladesh. Even among the foreign diplomats and officials we have met in recent times, there have been a very few calls for reconciliation. Those discussions too have largely faded as the international community gains a clearer understanding of the Awami League’s atrocities. 

Beyond political engagement, Bangladesh’s economic prospects are also gaining momentum. Over ten Chief Executive Officers from major multinational corporations came to meet with Professor Yunus in Davos, expressing their strong interest in investing in the country’s future. 

The world is no longer fixated on media-driven misinformation; instead, it is closely watching Bangladesh’s economic growth and progress. One thing is certain, without Professor Yunus guiding Bangladesh through its post-revolution transition, the country would have fallen into a prolonged military rule by now, much like what happened after the Arab Spring.

Also See: Bangladesh’s Evolving Foreign Relations in South Asia

8) What reforms the government is planning to implement in the future?

Response: We are planning to initiate broader dialogues with all the political parties, including minority organizations, to lay the groundwork for comprehensive reforms. These constructive discussions are expected to begin in mid-February. Additionally, we are committed to holding elections by June 2026.

Currently, we are encouraging open debates and discussions regarding the future trajectory of post-revolution Bangladesh. We seek more meaningful and healthy dialogues between the government and the people of Bangladesh to shape a democratic future. Why has our electoral system remained flawed for the past 50 years? Why was a monster like Sheikh Hasina formed? We must keep asking ourselves these critical questions. The people of Bangladesh do not want another era of Hasina-style kleptocracy, nor do we want Awami fascism to resurface in any form.

To prevent history from repeating itself, we have established a reform committee tasked with ensuring better governance across all sectors and accelerating the nation’s rebuilding process. All I can say is that we remain hopeful for a better future.

9) The removal of secularism from the new constitution has sparked significant controversy. What are your thoughts on the recent constitutional reforms?

Response: To those accusing the interim administration of favouring “Islamists,” I ask—how does the new constitution in any way resemble the foundation of an Islamic Republic? Such claims are utterly baseless.

Yes, secularism has been removed, but it has been replaced with pluralism—a much broader and more inclusive principle, especially in a country with diverse religious communities. The vision for the new Bangladesh is built on inclusivity, ensuring that no one faces discrimination based on religion or caste. Every citizen will have equal rights, and everyone’s democratic aspirations will be respected and valued.

10) How would you assess the current state of relations between India and Bangladesh?

Response: Professor Yunus has long advocated for strengthening Bangladesh-India relations, recognizing that a cooperative and mutually beneficial partnership is the only viable path forward. We genuinely seek a fair and respectful relationship with India, but it must be built on the principles of equality, fairness and mutual respect.

However, actions of India following Sheikh Hasina’s ouster have fueled significant mistrust and concern among the people of Bangladesh. 

Anti-Indian sentiments, particularly directed at New Delhi, have intensified—especially after India provided refuge to Hasina, a despot and mass murderer. Since then, she has been given a platform to deliver inflammatory speeches from Indian soil, further straining ties between two nations. This is terrible! India must understand that such actions will only harm our bilateral relations.

In response, we have formally requested Sheikh Hasina’s extradition to the country’s officials under the existing treaty. If India refuses to comply and continues to shield Hasina from justice, we will not relent in our efforts. Bangladesh will take all necessary measures, including escalating diplomatic pressure if required.

That being said, we still remain optimistic. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently extended New Year’s greetings to Professor Muhammad Yunus. The country’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri has also expressed willingness of India to strengthen ties with Bangladesh during his Dhaka tour. Additionally, discussions have also taken place regarding the revival of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—an initiative that Professor Yunus has strongly championed since the formation of the interim government. Revitalizing SAARC could unlock immense opportunities for regional cooperation and economic progress across South Asia.

We are eager to foster stronger ties with India, but for that to happen, India must clarify their stance on Hasina’s extradition and cease supporting her contentious actions. The future of our relationship depends on their decision.

11) Is there a chance for the Awami League to regain influence in Bangladesh’s political landscape?

Response: It has been six months since the revolution, yet the Awami League has shown no sign of self-reflection, accountability, or even an admission of guilt for the genocidal acts they have committed during the July-August protests. Instead, they have continued to display shameless arrogance, spewing derogatory remarks about the July Uprising in every statement they made since August. The AL and its democide enablers are trapped in the illusion that they can re-enter the political process once the country shifts back into election mode. 

Let this be made absolutely clear, that will not happen unless AL acknowledges its crimes against humanity and expels those responsible for the murders, mayhem, and enforced disappearances. There can be no reconciliation with those bloodthirsty criminals who have fled the country, leaving behind a generation burdened with deep, lasting trauma.

The people of Bangladesh have consigned Hasina and her so-called “Sheikh Clan” to the dustbin of history. The Awami League has no place in the country’s political landscape for the next 50 years.

Our message is very clear, anyone attempting to organise programs in support of the fallen regime will not be spared. The propaganda spread through Awami League’s leaflets is unacceptable, and those distributing them will face consequences.

The views and opinions expressed in this interview are those of the respondent and do not necessarily reflect the editorial stance of South Asia Times. While we strive for journalistic integrity and accuracy, this interview includes firsthand accounts that may contain subjective interpretations of events. South Asia Times remains committed to fair reporting and encourages readers to consider multiple perspectives when analyzing complex geopolitical developments.