![A plane at the new Gwadar Airport in Gwadar, Pakistan, on September 21, 2024. [Image: Tournée du Pakistan/Google Images].](https://southasiatimes.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/SAT-Web-Banners-73-1600x917.webp)
Pakistan’s Gwadar Airport: A Grand Infrastructure Without Flights—What Went Wrong?
Why has Pakistan’s Gwadar Airport failed to take off, and what does this tell us about the country’s broader developmental challenges?
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Why has Pakistan’s Gwadar Airport failed to take off, and what does this tell us about the country’s broader developmental challenges?
Six years after Balakot, South Asia’s security game has changed. Hybrid warfare, and China’s growing role—has deterrence been redefined?
TORKHAM, Pakistan—The Torkham border crossing, a vital trade and transit route between Pakistan and Afghanistan, remained shut for a second consecutive day on February 24, 2025, in yet another flare-up of tensions between the two uneasy neighbors. The reason? Trenches. But ask either side, and the answer gets murkier. On the Pakistani side, truck drivers sat idle, sipping endless rounds of chai, their vehicles loaded with perishable goods destined for Afghan markets. On the other side, Afghan families with valid visas found themselves stranded, unsure whether the gates would open or if they should start the long journey back home. For Bilal, a 42-year-old trader from Jalalabad, this wasn’t his first experience with border uncertainty. “Every time we think things will improve, another closure happens. If it’s not security, it’s trade disputes. If not trade, then it’s politics. We, the common people, always pay the price,” he said, adjusting his woolen shawl against the early morning chill. A Border Blocked, A Dispute Unfolds According to Pakistan’s Foreign Office sources who spoke to South Asia Times (SAT), the closure was triggered by “ongoing construction activities on the Afghan side.” Islamabad had reportedly raised concerns over trench digging by the Afghan Taliban, citing security risks, but after its warnings were ignored, it opted to temporarily shut the crossing. Afghan officials, however, claim they were given no formal explanation. “The border was closed due to ongoing construction activities on the Afghan side. Pakistan had expressed its reservations and requested a halt to the work, but since the concerns were not addressed, the decision was made to temporarily close the crossing,” Pakistani Foreign Office sources told South Asia Times (SAT). Afghan authorities, on the other hand, insist they were left in the dark. Nangarhar’s police spokesperson, Tayeb Hamad, told Afghanistan’s AMU TV that Pakistani officials “provided no explanation” for the sudden closure, fueling speculation that the move was politically motivated. Senior Afghan journalist Sami Yousafzai sees a familiar pattern. “Pakistan has long used border policies, visa restrictions, and refugee expulsions as leverage over Afghan governments,” he told South Asia Times (SAT). “But the Afghan Taliban are different. Unlike their predecessors, they don’t respond to Islamabad’s traditional pressure tactics and have maintained a more independent stance.” Indeed, past Afghan administrations often adjusted their policies based on Pakistan’s border maneuvers. The Afghan Taliban, however, appear unyielding. “The Taliban leadership hasn’t pleaded with Pakistan for leniency on refugees, effectively neutralizing Islamabad’s leverage,” Yousafzai added as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT). Deportations, Washington, and a Vanishing Lifeline The timing of the closure coincides with another pressing issue: Pakistan’s ongoing deportation of Afghan refugees, including those denied resettlement in the United States. With Washington scaling back its intake of Afghans—especially after the closure of key offices under the previous U.S. administration—Pakistan finds itself in a difficult position. “Pakistan’s approach to Afghan repatriation is primarily driven by security and policy considerations rather than humanitarian factors,” sources from MoFA told South Asia Times (SAT). “Like other countries, Pakistan does not have a viable long-term solution for these individuals.” This reality has left thousands of Afghans stranded, caught between an unwelcoming Pakistan and an Afghanistan still struggling to accommodate returnees. “Even those with legal Pakistani visas have had to pay authorities to enter Pakistan,” Yousafzai revealed to South Asia Times, pointing to mounting frustrations among Afghan travelers. The Afghan Taliban’s Calculus: Defiance or Diplomacy? While the Afghan Taliban have not officially responded to the Torkham closure, past behavior suggests they won’t remain passive. “They will find ways to retaliate and continue pressuring Pakistan in return,” said Yousafzai as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT). The Taliban’s stance on deportations has also been notably firm. Despite Pakistan’s efforts to push out Afghan refugees—historically used as leverage—the Afghan Taliban leadership has not shown signs of backing down. “This shift has frustrated Pakistan,” Yousafzai explained. “Pushing out Afghan refugees has not had the same impact on the Taliban as it did on past governments.” Even on trade, Afghan officials feel Islamabad plays favorites. “Pakistan keeps the border open when exporting its own fruits to Afghanistan, yet frequently shuts it down just as Afghan produce is ready for export,” Yousafzai told South Asia Times (SAT). “The Afghan Taliban see these closures as deliberate and politically motivated rather than purely security-driven.” Also See: Legacy, Trade, and Turmoil: The Pak-Afghan Reset Beyond Torkham: TTP, China, and the Bigger Picture Beyond Torkham, tensions between Pakistan and the Taliban extend to a far more pressing concern: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) sanctuaries inside Afghanistan. Pakistan has repeatedly called on the Taliban to either hand over TTP leaders or take decisive action against them. But, as senior journalist Riffat Ullah Orakzai pointed out as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT), “the Afghan Taliban have not responded to these requests.” “Over the past two years, TTP attacks in Pakistan have surged—more than during the governments of Dr. Ashraf Ghani and Hamid Karzai,” Orakzai noted. “Ironically, the Afghan Taliban, once viewed as Pakistan’s allies, have now taken a different course, contrary to Islamabad’s expectations.” This breakdown in trust has prompted Islamabad to resort to border control, trade restrictions, and increased deportations. “Initially, Afghan refugees in Islamabad and Rawalpindi were required to obtain an NOC,” Orakzai added. “But now, deportations have escalated, even affecting those with valid visas.” Meanwhile, regional players like China and Russia have taken notice. “China has engaged the Afghan Taliban privately, warning of potential consequences,” Orakzai told South Asia Times (SAT). “Reports indicate that Beijing is mediating to ease tensions, but tangible results remain limited.” Salman Javed, Director General of Pak Afghan Youth Forum (PAYF), believes a trilateral security framework involving Pakistan, China, and Russia is not just viable—it’s necessary. “All three nations have a vested interest in Afghan stability,” he said. “A coordinated effort could exert collective pressure on the Afghan Taliban,” Javed argued as he spoke to South Asia Times (SAT). “Reducing dependency on Western intervention and creating an independent regional security framework is in
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